Risk-taking behaviour among adults remains a critical yet under-theorized determinant of mental health outcomes in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) (Patel et al., 2018; Kessler et al., 2010). While risk engagement has often been conceptualized through economic vulnerability, substance exposure, or socio-demographic predictors, growing evidence suggests that belief systems serve as powerful cognitive drivers shaping how individuals interpret, justify, and engage in risky behaviours (Ajzen, 1991; De Ridder et al., 2012). In low-resource settings, where structural constraints coexist with cultural resilience narratives, beliefs may function not merely as passive attitudes but as active psychological frameworks that legitimize risk as a pathway to survival, status attainment, or emotional regulation (Singh et al., 2020; Ebigbo, 2015).

In semi-urban regions of Nigeria, socio-economic transitions, urbanization pressures, limited formal employment opportunities, and constrained access to mental health services create environments in which adults must navigate uncertainty daily (World Bank, 2021; Omigbodun & Olayinka, 2016). Within these contexts, risk-taking—whether financial, behavioural, relational, or substance-related—may be framed as adaptive, necessary, or even virtuous. Such belief-driven rationalizations can significantly influence patterns of alcohol consumption, coping strategies, and exposure to psychological distress (Adejumo et al., 2019; Obot & Room, 2005). However, despite the growing global prioritization of mental health within the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 3) (United Nations, 2015), limited empirical attention has been paid to how culturally embedded belief systems shape risk engagement and, by extension, adult mental health in semi-urban African settings (Gureje et al., 2015).

Globally, mental health discourse increasingly emphasizes social determinants, yet cognitive determinants—particularly culturally situated beliefs—remain insufficiently integrated into prevention models in LMICs (Patel et al., 2018; Lund et al., 2011). The dominant frameworks often derive from high-income contexts and may inadequately capture the lived realities of adults in semi-urban Nigeria, where communal norms, spiritual worldviews, gender expectations, and economic precarity intersect (Adewuya & Makanjuola, 2009). Understanding belief-driven risk engagement therefore provides a critical bridge between global mental health theory and localized psychosocial experience.

This study advances the field by examining how belief systems influence risk-taking behaviour among adults in a semi-urban Nigerian setting, and how such behaviours relate to broader mental health implications. By situating risk engagement within a culturally responsive and contextually grounded framework, the research contributes to three critical areas: (1) the cognitive determinants of risk in low-resource environments, (2) the intersection of belief systems and adult mental health, and (3) the development of culturally informed intervention strategies (Ajzen, 1991; Gureje et al., 2015).

Ultimately, investigating belief-driven risk engagement moves beyond deficit-based narratives of vulnerability. It foregrounds agency, meaning-making, and psychosocial adaptation while simultaneously interrogating how certain belief structures may exacerbate exposure to harm. This nuanced perspective is essential for designing mental health interventions that are not only evidence-based but culturally resonant and structurally realistic within semi-urban Nigerian contexts (Lund et al., 2011; Singh et al., 2020).

Despite growing recognition of risk-taking behaviour as a determinant of mental health, several critical gaps persist in the literature, particularly in low-resource, semi-urban settings in Nigeria. By addressing these gaps, this research aims to advance both theory and practice, providing nuanced insights into the cognitive, cultural, and psychosocial determinants of adult risk engagement in semi-urban Nigeria. Filling these gaps is critical for developing interventions that are contextually relevant, theoretically grounded, and effective in promoting adult mental health in low-resource settings.

Theoretical Framework

Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB)

This study is anchored on the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB), a widely applied socio-cognitive model for explaining and predicting human behaviour. The theory was originally developed by Ajzen (1991) and proposes that behaviour is primarily determined by behavioural intention, which in turn is influenced by three key constructs: attitudes toward the behaviour, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control. These constructs collectively explain how individuals form intentions to engage in specific behaviours and how those intentions translate into actual actions. TPB has been widely applied in public health, psychology, and behavioural research to understand risky and health-related behaviours.

According to TPB, attitude toward behaviour refers to an individual’s positive or negative evaluation of performing a particular action. Attitudes are formed by underlying beliefs about the consequences of behaviour and the value placed on those consequences. In the context of risk-taking behaviour, individuals may develop favourable attitudes toward risky activities when they perceive potential benefits such as economic gain, social recognition, or excitement. In semi-urban Nigerian contexts, such attitudes may be reinforced by cultural beliefs, economic hardship, or perceptions of resilience and personal invulnerability. When individuals perceive risk-taking behaviours as beneficial or culturally acceptable, they are more likely to form strong intentions to engage in them.

The second component, subjective norms, refers to the perceived social pressure from significant others—such as family members, peers, or community leaders—to perform or avoid a behaviour. Social expectations often influence behavioural decisions, particularly in collectivist or community-oriented societies. In many African contexts, social norms and cultural expectations can form individual behaviour. Individuals may engage in risk-taking activities because such behaviours are normalized within peer groups or communities. Subjective norms therefore play a crucial role in determining whether individuals perceive risk-taking behaviour as acceptable or socially endorsed.

The third construct, perceived behavioural control, reflects an individual’s perception of their ability to perform a behaviour. This concept is closely related to self-efficacy and perceived access to resources or opportunities. When individuals believe they have control over a behaviour, they are more likely to intend to perform it. In the context of risk-taking behaviour, perceived behavioural control may include beliefs about one’s ability to manage potential negative consequences or confidence in avoiding harm despite engaging in risky activities. Studies applying TPB show that perceived behavioural control significantly predicts behavioural intentions and behavioural outcomes across various health-related behaviours.

These three components—attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control—jointly influence behavioural intention, which represents the motivational readiness to perform a behaviour. Behavioural intention is considered the most immediate predictor of actual behaviour. Empirical studies have shown that TPB constructs can explain substantial variance in behavioural intentions and behaviours, particularly in domains involving risk-related decision-making. For example, a meta-analysis examining risky driving behaviours found that TPB variables explained 30–51% of the variance in behavioural intention and up to 48% of behavioural outcomes, demonstrating the model’s strong predictive capacity for risk-related behaviours.

In relation to the present study, TPB provides a useful framework for understanding how belief-driven cognitions influence risk-taking behaviour among adults in semi-urban Nigeria. Beliefs embedded in religious, cultural, or social contexts may form attitudes toward risky behaviours, influence perceived social expectations, and affect perceptions of personal control over behavioural outcomes. These belief-driven processes may ultimately lead individuals to engage in behaviours that expose them to psychological stress, trauma, or substance-related harm. Over time, repeated engagement in such behaviours may contribute to adverse mental health outcomes, including anxiety, depression, and psychological distress.

Thus, the Theory of Planned Behaviour provides a structured explanation for how belief systems translate into behavioural intentions and risk-taking actions, which subsequently influence adult mental health. By integrating TPB into this study, the research seeks to examine how cognitive beliefs and social influences interact with behavioural decisions within semi-urban Nigerian communities.

Problem Statement

Adults in semi-urban Nigeria face multiple socio-economic and cultural pressures that shape their engagement in risk-taking behaviours (Omigbodun & Olayinka, 2016; World Bank, 2021). While these behaviours can be adaptive, they may also contribute to negative mental health outcomes (Patel et al., 2018; Lund et al., 2011). Existing research predominantly focuses on demographic or environmental predictors of risk, neglecting the role of belief  as cognitive determinants (Ajzen, 1991; Singh et al., 2020). This gap limits our understanding of how culturally embedded beliefs influence risk engagement and its implications for adult mental health (Gureje et al., 2015; Adewuya & Makanjuola, 2009). Addressing this problem is essential for designing contextually relevant and theoretically grounded interventions in low-resource settings (United Nations, 2015; Ebigbo, 2015).

Aim and Objectives

The primary aim of this study is to investigate risk-taking behaviour as a belief-driven engagement in low-resource semi-urban settings and to examine its implications for adult mental health outcomes in Nigeria.

The following are the specific study objectives:

1. Examine the relationship between belief  and risk-taking behaviour among adults in semi-urban Nigeria.
2. investigate the prevalence and different patterns of risk-taking behaviour in semi-urban communities.
3. Would there will be a significant association between risk-taking behaviour and adult mental health outcomes.

Hypothesis

1. There will be a significant relationship between belief and risk-taking behaviour among adults in semi-urban Nigeria.
2. The prevalence and different patterns of risk-taking behaviour will be significant among adults in semi-urban communities
3. There will be an association between risk-taking behaviour and adult mental health outcomes.

Method

This research adopts a qualitative research design. This method was utilized for the collection, analysis, interpretation, and integration of data. This research approach provides a deeper understanding of the research problem, addressing gaps that either approach alone might not fully capture.

Population and Sample

Population

Participants for this study were drawn from the general population within five districts—Du, Gyel, Vwang, Kuru, and Zawan—in Jos South Local Government Area, with a focus on adults aged 18 years and above. Participants were reached through research assistant who are familiar with the locations where the study is conducted.

Sample

Recruitment Process for interviews

The researcher used adults as participants for the structured interview, the data collection stopped at the point of saturation. The researcher establish rapport with some of the participants through the research assistant and suggest their interest in the one-on-one interview, the research collected their phone numbers and invite them at the appropriate date and time as earlier agreed. Participants that indicated interest responded to an open-ended question in a structured format for approximately 30 to 50 minutes. For the Focus Group Discussion (FGD), the researcher selected willing participants, then explain to them the aim and criterion for participation.

Sampling Technique

The researcher employed purposeful sampling techniques to select participants for the study, these participants provided more in-depth and insight into the problem being studied. In this study, Participants were recruited within Jos South Local Government Area. The purposeful sampling enables the researcher to obtain information from people who are knowledgeable about the phenomenon. Only available and willing participants expressed their experiences.

Criterion for Participation

Inclusion

Participants must be 18 years of age and above. They must willingly admit being residents of Jos South LGA as at the time of research and have stayed for a minimum period of one year.

Exclusion

Those who are less than < 18 years were excluded. Participants who are not residing in Jos south during data collection were excluded.

Instrument for Data Collection

In the qualitative study utilized the following items:

1. An audio recorder
2. Dairy and pencil (writing materials) for noting non-verbal cues during interviews
3. A printed copy of interview guide.

The interview guide covered all the variables under research.

 The researcher employed a semi-structured interview method. A total of 19 participants (male and female) were recruited across five districts. Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were also conducted to explore how beliefs relate to risk-taking behaviour. This approach strengthened the internal reliability of the findings obtained from one-on-one interviews. Seven participants volunteered to provide information during the FGDs regarding beliefs about risk-taking behaviour. Each discussion session lasted approximately 50 minutes. Discourse Analysis (DA) was applied to examine naturally occurring accounts of participants experiences. Two participants were selected from each district to participate in the FGDs. An audio recorder was used during the discussions. The same interview guide employed for the one-on-one interviews was used in the FGDs. To enhance precision, writing materials were used to record nonverbal cues such as nodding, gestures, and side comments.

Procedures

Volunteers for the interview had a five-minute pre-session interview to appreciate and review the aim of the study and establish rapport. An interview guide was developed using open-ended questions, a recording device was used to ensure that information received are accurate. Participants were allowed to listen to the recorded interview to ensure it is theirs and consent to the use in the study. Then the data were transcribed for use: noting initially, emergent themes and thematic connection identified. These themes were presented in the result section.

The four criteria for data analysis process were met: rigor, relevance, resonance, and reflexivity. These criteria guided the analysis process and helped the researcher gain insight into participants’ experiences concerning beliefs and risk-taking. The research process also provided participants with psychological first aid, counselling, and psychoeducation. Interview data were transcribed and reviewed for accuracy to ensure that participants’ experiences were represented.

Ethical Consideration and Emergency Plan

All ethical guidelines for research involving human participants were observed, including informed consent and assurances for confidentiality. Participants were informed that their information would be used solely for research purposes and were provided with copies of the consent form detailing the nature and duration of the interviews. All interviews were audio-recorded and saved in a Google Drive. Although no participant exhibited signs of distress during data collection, provisions were made for psychological first aid and referrals to healthcare institutions if necessary.

Data Analysis

The Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was selected as the analytical framework. The researcher inductively analyse and contextualize participants’ lived experiences. Some of the relevant responses are presented verbatim in the Results section. Furthermore, the three step analysis was adopted (von Haeften et al.’s, 2001) to explore the interaction between beliefs and risk-taking. All relevant themes were coded from IPA and included  to explain belief and risk-taking interaction effect. Moderation analysis was conducted to determine how beliefs were associated with risk-taking behaviour. Subsequently, only those beliefs demonstrating significant relationships with the predictor variables were retained and discussed in relation to the dependent variables.

Results

This study employed Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to explore how adults in Jos South make sense of their risk-taking behaviour within a context of insecurity, economic uncertainty, and strong religious-cultural belief systems. IPA is appropriate because it prioritizes lived experience, meaning-making, and subjective interpretations of risk.

Step 1: Initial Inductive Coding (Meaning Units)

Table 1: Sample Initial Codes

Note: From repeated readings of transcripts, experiential statements were coded line-by-line.

Step 2: Development of Emergent IPA Themes

Table 2: Superordinate themes

Note: Participants frequently invoked divine protection to cognitively neutralize perceived danger. Participants distinguished between reckless and “calculative” risk, yet optimism bias was evident. Some participants linked alcohol consumption with diminished inhibition.

Step 3: von Haeften et al.’s (2001) Three-Step Interaction Model Applied

Following von Haeften et al.’s (2001) three-step analytic framework, the analysis explored:

1. Belief Articulation – What beliefs do participants hold?
2. Cognitive Framing of Risk – How are risks justified or interpreted?
3. Behavioural Enactment and Consequence Meaning – How beliefs translate into risk-taking and how outcomes are interpreted.

Table 3: Interaction Model

Note: This confirms that beliefs do not merely accompany risk-taking — they actively structure risk cognition and emotional response.

Interaction Effect: Belief × Risk-Taking Behaviour

IPA revealed that: Strong success-oriented beliefs amplify risk tolerance, Religious beliefs reduce perceived vulnerability, Loss-normalization beliefs buffer emotional consequences and Substance use moderates cognitive control mechanisms. Thus, belief systems function as cognitive moderators of perceived risk severity, influencing behavioural thresholds.

Key Theoretical Interpretation

Within this semi-urban Nigerian context: Risk-taking is not deviance; it is adaptive survival behaviour, Faith operates as a psychological resilience mechanism, Optimism bias sustains persistence after loss, and Masculine provider identity intensifies exposure to danger. Beliefs therefore function as: Motivational drivers, Cognitive risk filters, Emotional stabilizers and Moral justifiers

Table 4: Observed Risk-Taking Patterns